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    名人的英語演講稿

    時間:2023-02-22 19:38:59 演講稿 投訴 投稿
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    名人的英語演講稿

      演講稿可以按照用途、性質(zhì)等來劃分,是演講上一個重要的準(zhǔn)備工作。在不斷進(jìn)步的社會中,需要使用演講稿的事情愈發(fā)增多,如何寫一份恰當(dāng)?shù)难葜v稿呢?以下是小編為大家收集的名人的英語演講稿,歡迎大家借鑒與參考,希望對大家有所幫助。

    名人的英語演講稿

    名人的英語演講稿1

      Every era has its defining struggle and the fate of Africa is one of ours. It's not the only one, but in the history books it's easily going to make the top five--what we did or what we did not do. It's a proving ground, as I said earlier, for the idea of equality. But whether it's this or something else, I hope you'll pick a fight and get in it. Get your boots dirty. Get rough. Steel your courge with a final drink there at Smoky Joe's, one last primal scream and go.

      每一個時代都有其特定的斗爭使命,而我們的一個使命就是改變非洲的命運(yùn)。這不是我們的使命,但無論是對我們已經(jīng)解決的或尚未解決的困難來說,這都會很容易被歷史列為五大挑戰(zhàn)之一。正如我之前說過的,非洲是平等理念的試驗場。不管是什么原因,我都希望你們掀起這場斗爭并為之奮斗。去感受苦難,去磨練你們的意志,在斯莫基喬酒吧再飲上最后一杯,大喊一聲,然后踏上征程,去錘煉你們的意志吧。

      Sing the melody line you hear in your own head. Remember, you don't owe anybody any explanations. You don't owe your parents any explanations. You don't owe your professors any explanations. You know, I used to think that the future was solid, or fixed, or something you inherited like an old building that you move into when the previous generation moves out or gets chased out. But it's not. The future is not fixed. It's fluid. You can build your own buildings, or hut or condo, whatever. This is the metaphor part of the speech by the way.

      唱出你心中最美的樂曲!記住,你無須向任何人解釋,你無須向父母做出解釋,你也無須向你的教授做出任何解釋。我曾經(jīng)認(rèn)為未來是注定的',一成不變的,就像繼承一座老房子,上一代搬出去或被逐出去,你們就可以搬進(jìn)去。但事實(shí)并非如此。未來并非一成不變,而是可以改變的。你們可以建造自己的大樓或小棚子或公寓。順便說一下,這只是今天致辭中的暗喻。

      But my point is that the world is more malleable than you think and it's waiting for you to hammer it into shape. Now if I were a folksinger I'd immediately launch into "If I Had a Hammer" right now, get you all singing and swaying. But as I say I come from punk rock, so I'd rather have the bloody hammer right here in my fist. That's what this degree of yours is, a blunt instrument. So go forth and build something with it. And remember what John Adams said about Ben Franklin, "He does not hestitate at our boldest measures but rather seems to think us too irresolute."

      但我要說的是,世界比你們想象的更具可塑性,它正等待著你們把它塑造成形。現(xiàn)在,如果我是一名民間歌手,我就會立即開始唱《假如我有一把鐵錘》,帶領(lǐng)你們一起唱,一起跳。但如我所言,我是朋克樂隊的一名歌手,我寧愿手中握著一把帶血的鐵錘。你們的學(xué)位不過算是一把不算鋒利的武器,所以,向前沖吧!用它去鑄造未來!記住約翰·亞當(dāng)對本·富蘭克林的評價:“對于我們最勇敢的行動,他毫不猶豫地響應(yīng),而且似乎認(rèn)為我們過于優(yōu)柔寡斷了!

      Well this is the time for bold measures. And this is the country. And you are the generation. Thank you. Thank you very much.

      現(xiàn)在是大膽去行動的時候了,就在這個國家,就是你們這一代,大膽地去行動吧!謝謝大家!非常感謝。

    名人的英語演講稿2

      Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

      The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.

      It has made mistakes.

      The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do.

      We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left.

      We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

      Greeks [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.

      The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.

      The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece.

      Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.

      And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

      Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.

      Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.

      That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.

      The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.

      As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it.

      We are the only country able to provide that help.

      I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.

      One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.

      This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.

      Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

      To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.

      The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members.

    名人的英語演講稿3

      Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

      But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

      In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

      It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

      So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

      We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

      It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

    名人的英語演講稿4

      Dstinguished judges, teachers, dear friends:

      Hello, everyone! My name is cheng _iang yan , I am a junior student come from life science institution .Today, I am very glad to stand here and share with you my most sincere speech‘Flying youth, master our future!’

      Life is a process of growing up. Saying goodbye to childhood, we step into another important time of life in the pace of young, facing new situations, dealing with different problems.....

      However, who can really say what the youth is ? A period of time? A belief?An attitude to life? Or anything else? actually, everyone has his ownunderstanding of young, it is a period of time of beauty and wonders, only after you have e_perienced the sour , sweet ,bitter and salty, can you really become a person of significance.

      Just like A famous poet said ‘ youth is a lovely song ,where nothing is impossible ,youth is a meaningful book, you’ll be never bored of it ;youth is a rapid river ,it keeps on flowing day and night ;youth is a cup of tea ,it shows you different kinds of tastes in your life.

      As youth is so precious, of course, we must treasure it .Don’t let the limited time pass by, grasping the young will means a better time is waiting for you in the near future.

      So,It’s necessary for us to prepare ourselves well for the future to come. having a view on those great men in the history of hunman being, they all made full use of their youth time to do things that are useful to society, to the whole mankind, and as a consequence ,they are remembered by later generations, admired by everyone. so do something in the time of young, although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole world, just for youeself, for those around! So, what should we do when we are young? Here,I’ll point out some tips to help equip ourselves.

      First of all,think of what you’d like to be some day. A teacher ? A doctor ? A writer? Don’t afraid of dreaming of big and great .Since you are young , you can dream of doing anything and becoming anyone in the future. What’s more , never ignore the power of knowledge. Read more books and travel around. For one thing, it can increase your knowledge, for another, it’ll broaden your horizon.

      Last but not the least , stick to your dream. It easier said than done. After all, future is not all roses. young is just like blooming flowers, they are so beautiful when blooming, which make people feel happy, but with time passing by, after they withers ,most people think they are ugly. and so it is the same with young, we are enthusiastic when we are young, then we may lose our passion when getting older and older. So we should have enough courage and determination to overcome all the difficulties in struggling on the road.

      I firmly believe one sentence that‘If you think you can, of course you can!’Just believe we can make it! Keep on walking towards our dream. Flying youth , master our future. From today, from now on , are you Ready ? That’s all. Thank you so much for your attention !

    名人的英語演講稿5

      Good afternoon,ladies and gentlemen!

      I'm very honored to stand here and give you a short speech! To begin with ,I want to ask a question .Does everybody dream a good dream last night? Actually ,today I want to talk about dream with you. Of course, What I want to talk is not a dream you have last night,but a dream—— about life.

      Everyone has dreams about life, different dreams at different life stage,and we need dreams to support us. Dreams are like the stars we never reach in the sky,but like most mariners,we can chart our course by them. With the dream,we have a direction,with a direction, we were no longer confused.With the dream, there is hope,With hope, we have the strength to fight.

      I have a dream: To be a doctor.,because doctor may relieve the pain of patients. May let the human change the health. At the same time, I believed that, those who help others may be able to obtain joyfully. Therefore, I hoped in the near future ,I might be a doctor.

      But I know,life is tough,and there are always ups and downs, maybe we fail in the way to our aims,and we may feel depressed ,whenever at this time, the dream in our heart can always comfort us, encourage us ,and support us to move ahead.

      Young!Fortunately, I am young now. Just due to it, I know that nothing is impossible.I firmly believe that nothing can stand in my way. If I can't realize my dream,it result from that I haven't work harder enough and I won't find other excuses. If no people believe you, you can make it to prove that you are right. If you think the god haven't blessed you and there is no truth here, you can become the god and create the truth.

    名人的英語演講稿6

      My fellow citizens:

      I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

      Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

      So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

      That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

      These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

      Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

      On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

      On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

      We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

      In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

      For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

      For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

      For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

      Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

      This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

      For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

      Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

      What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

      Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

      As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

      Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

      We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

      For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

      To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

      To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

      As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

      For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

      Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

      This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

      This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

      This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

      So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

      "Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

      America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

      Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

    名人的英語演講稿7

      My friends:

      I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the united states about banking to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.

      I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be. i recognize that the many proclamations from state capitols and from washington, the legislation, the treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, out to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen. i owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday. and i know that when you understand what we in washington have been about, i shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as i have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.

      First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault. it invests your money in many different forms of credit in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans. in other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around. a comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen. in other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.

      Wwhat, then, happened during the last few days of february and the first few days of march? because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold a rush so great that the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand. the reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value. by the afternoon of march third, a week ago last friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business. proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the governors in almost all the states. it was then that i issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the government’s reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.

      The second step, last thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come. this law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities. and i want to tell our citizens in every part of the nation that the national congress republicans and democrats alike showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.

      The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.

      This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week. neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening. the new law allows the twelve federal reserve banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call. the new currency is being sent out by the bureau of engraving and printing in large volume to every part of the country. it is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.

      Another question you will ask is this: why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? the answer is simple and i know you will understand it: your government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated. we do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.

      As a result, we start tomorrow, monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve federal reserve bank cities those banks, which on first examination by the treasury, have already been found to be all right. that will be followed on tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. that means about two hundred and fifty cities of the united states. in other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.

      On wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the government's physical ability to complete its survey it is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the government to make common sense checkups.

      Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open. a bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.

      I know that many people are worrying about state banks that are not members of the federal reserve system. there is no occasion for that worry. these banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the reconstruction finance corporation. and, of course, they are under the immediate control of the state banking authorities. these state banks are following the same course as the national banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the state authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the secretary of the treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks. and so i am confident that the state banking departments will be as careful as the national government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.

      It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals. let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation. it needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes the phantom of fear will soon be laid. people will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. i can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.

      The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.

      Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before. more liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the reserve banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets. this currency is not fiat currency. it is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.

      One more point before i close. there will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized. the new law allows the government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.

      I hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.

      We have had a bad banking situation. some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people’s funds. they had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans. this was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the united states, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all. and so it became the government’s job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible. and that job is being performed.

      I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided; and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift. i can even promise you salvation for some, at least, of the sorely presses banks. we shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.

      It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country. i can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.

      After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves. confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. you people must have faith; you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses. let us unite in banishing fear. we have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.

      It is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.

      Together we cannot fail.

    名人的英語演講稿8

      Vice President Johnson,Mr. Speaker,Mr. Chief Justice,President Eisenhower,Vice President Nixon,President Truman,reverend clergy,fellow citizens:

      We observe today not a victory of party,but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end,as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal,as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

      The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state,but from the hand of God.

      We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place,to friend and foe alike,that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century,tempered by war,disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,proud of our ancient heritage,and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed,and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

      Let every nation know,whether it wishes us well or ill,that we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe,to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.

      To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share,we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free,we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that,in the past,those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

      To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery,we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves,for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it,not because we seek their votes,but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor,it cannot save the few who are rich.

      To our sister republics south of our border,we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds,in a new alliance for progress,to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

      To that world assembly of sovereign states,the United Nations,our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace,we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective,to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak,and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally,to those nations who would make themselves our adversary,we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace,before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

      We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons,both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom,yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

      So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear,but let us never fear to negotiate.

      Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides,for the first time,formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms,and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

      Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars,conquer the deserts,eradicate disease,tap the ocean depths,and encourage the arts and commerce.

      Let both sides unite to heed,in all corners of the earth,the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens,and [to] let the oppressed go free." And,if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power,but a new world of law -- where the strong are just,and the weak secure,and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

      In your hands,my fellow citizens,more than mine,will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded,each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms,though arms we need -- not as a call to battle,though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle,year in and year out,"rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny,poverty,disease,and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,North and South,East and West,that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world,only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy,the faith,the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so,my fellow Americans,ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world,ask not what America will do for you,but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

      Finally,whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world,ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward,with history the final judge of our deeds,let us go forth to lead the land we love,asking His blessing and His help,but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

      譯文:

      約翰遜副總統(tǒng),Speaker先生,首席大法官艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng),總統(tǒng),尼克松總統(tǒng),杜魯門總統(tǒng),牧師牧師,同胞們:

      今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利,而是自由的慶典——象征著一個結(jié)束,也是一個開始——意味著更新,以及改變。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前莊嚴(yán)宣誓,我們的祖先175年前。

      現(xiàn)在世界是非常不同的。因為人類掌握在他生命中的力量,它可以消除所有形式的人類貧困和所有形式的人類生活?墒俏覀兊淖嫦葹橹畩^斗的革命信念,在世界各地仍然有問題,這個信念就是:人的權(quán)利并非來自國家的慷慨,而是來自上帝之手。

      今天,我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們從這個時間和地點(diǎn),朋友和敵人,這火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人-出生在本世紀(jì),經(jīng)歷過戰(zhàn)爭的鍛煉,在艱苦的和平,有我們古老的遺產(chǎn)感到自豪,他們不愿目睹或允許緩慢打倒那些人權(quán)是這個國家一直致力于,也是我們致力于在國內(nèi)和世界各地的今天。

      讓每一個國家都知道,無論它希望我們好或壞,我們將付出任何代價,承擔(dān)任何負(fù)擔(dān),應(yīng)付任何困難,支持任何朋友,反對任何敵人,以確保自由的生存和成功。這是我們的承諾-和更多。

      對于那些我們共同分享的文化和精神起源的老盟友,我們保證忠實(shí)的朋友的忠誠。在一個合作企業(yè)中,我們幾乎不能做什么。分有一點(diǎn)我們可以做的--因為我們不敢應(yīng)付強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)在爭吵不休、四分五裂時。對于那些我們歡迎的自由的行列的新國家,我們保證我們的話,一種形式的殖民統(tǒng)治不會消失,僅僅是由一個更為殘酷的暴政所取代。我們并不總是指望他們支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望找到他們強(qiáng)烈地支持他們自己的自由,并記住,在過去,那些愚蠢地尋求權(quán)力的人騎在老虎的后面結(jié)束了。

      對于那些在半個地球上掙扎著打破大眾苦難的村莊的小屋和村莊的人們,我們保證我們盡最大努力幫助他們幫助他們自己,無論什么時期是必需的-不是因為共產(chǎn)黨人可以這樣做,不是因為我們尋求他們的選票,而是因為它是正確的。如果一個自由的社會不能幫助那些貧窮的人,它就不能拯救少數(shù)富有的人。

      在我們的邊境南部的姐妹共和國,我們提供了一個特殊的承諾:把我們的好的話變成善行,在一個新的聯(lián)盟的進(jìn)步,幫助自由的人和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種希望的和平革命不能成為敵對勢力的獵物。讓我們所有的鄰居都知道,我們將與他們一起反對在美洲任何地方的侵略或顛覆。讓每一個其他的力量知道,這個半球打算保持自己的房子的主人。

      對于世界上所有的主權(quán)國家,聯(lián)合國,我們最后的希望,在這樣一個時代,戰(zhàn)爭的手段已經(jīng)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過了和平的工具,我們重申予以支持,防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所,加強(qiáng)它對新的`和弱小國家的保護(hù),并擴(kuò)大在其主導(dǎo)作用的領(lǐng)域。最后,對于那些與我們?yōu)閿,我們提供的不是保證,而是要求:雙方重新開始尋求和平,在科學(xué)釋放出的毀滅性力量有意無意地毀滅全人類。

      我們不敢用弱點(diǎn)來誘惑他們。只有當(dāng)我們的手臂足夠超越懷疑時,我們才能毫無疑問地確信他們永遠(yuǎn)不會被雇用。但也不能兩個強(qiáng)有力的國家集團(tuán),從我們目前的課程舒適--雙方都背負(fù)著現(xiàn)代武器的負(fù)擔(dān),都理所當(dāng)然使致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散,但雙方都力圖改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖平衡保持人類的最后一戰(zhàn)。

      因此讓我們重新開始,雙方都應(yīng)記住,謙恭不是軟弱,真誠有待驗證。讓我們不要出于恐懼而談判,但讓我們不要害怕談判。

      讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題,而不是那些使我們分裂的問題。讓雙方第一次為檢查和控制武器制定嚴(yán)肅和精確的建議,并在所有國家的絕對控制下,帶來毀滅其他國家的絕對力量。

      讓雙方尋求召喚的奇跡

    名人的英語演講稿9

      Dare to compete. Dare to care. Dare to dream. Dare to love. Practice the art of making possible. And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.

      It is such an honor and pleasure for me to be back at Yale, especially on the occasion of the 300th anniversary. I have had so many memories of my time here, and as Nick was speaking I thought about how I ended up at Yale Law School. And it tells a little bit about how much progress we’ve made.

      What I think most about when I think of Yale is not just the politically charged atmosphere and not even just the superb legal education that I received. It was at Yale that I began work that has been at the core of what I have cared about ever since. I began working with New Haven legal services representing children. And I studied child development, abuse and neglect at the Yale New Haven Hospital and the Child Study Center. I was lucky enough to receive a civil rights internship with Marian Wright Edelman at the Children’s Defense Fund, where I went to work after I graduated. Those experiences fueled in me a passion to work for the benefit of children, particularly the most vulnerable.

      Now, looking back, there is no way that I could have predicted what path my life would have taken. I didn’t sit around the law school, saying, well, you know, I think I’ll graduate and then I’ll go to work at the Children’s Defense Fund, and then the impeachment inquiry, and Nixon retired or resigns, I’ll go to Arkansas. I didn’t think like that. I was taking each day at a time.

      But, I’ve been very fortunate because I’ve always had an idea in my mind about what I thought was important and what gave my life meaning and purpose. A set of values and beliefs that have helped me navigate the shoals, the sometimes very treacherous sea, to illuminate my own true desires, despite that others say about what l should care about and believe in. A passion to succeed at what l thought was important and children have always provided that lone star, that guiding light. Because l have that absolute conviction that every child, especially in this, the most blessed of nations that has ever existed on the face of earth, that every child deserves the opportunity to live up to his or her God-given potential.

      But you know that belief and conviction-it may make for a personal mission statement, but standing alone, not translated into action, it means very little to anyone else, particularly to those for whom you have those concerns.

      When I was thinking about running for the United States Senate-which was such an enormous decision to make, one I never could have dreamed that I would have been making when I was here on campus-I visited a school in New York City and I met a young woman, who was a star athlete.

      I was there because of Billy Jean King promoting an HBO special about women in sports called “Dare to compete.” It was about Title IX and how we finally, thanks to government action, provided opportunities to girls and women in sports.

      And although I played not very well at intramural sports, I have always been a strong supporter of women in sports. And I was introduced by this young woman, and as I went to shake her hand she obviously had been reading the newspapers about people saying I should or shouldn’t run for the Senate. And I was congratulating her on the speech she had just made and she held onto my hand and she said, “Dare to compete, Mrs. Clinton. Dare to compete.”

      I took that to heart because it is hard to compete sometimes, especially in public ways, when your failures are there for everyone to see and you don’t know what is going to happen from one day to the next. And yet so much of life, whether we like to accept it or not, is competing with ourselves to be the best we can be, being involved in classes or professions or just life, where we know we are competing with others.

      I took her advice and I did compete because I chose to do so. And the biggest choices that you’ll face in your life will be yours alone to make. I’m sure you’ll receive good advice. You’re got a great education to go back and reflect about what is right for you, but you eventually will have to choose and I hope that you will dare to compete. And by that I don’t mean the kind of cutthroat competition that is too often characterized by what is driving America today. I mean the small voice inside you that says to you, you can do it, you can take this risk, you can take this next step.

      And it doesn’t mean that once having made that choice you will always succeed. In fact, you won’t. There are setbacks and you will experience difficult disappointments. You will be slowed down and sometimes the breath will just be knocked out of you. But if you carry with you the values and beliefs that you can make a difference in your own life, first and foremost, and then in the lives of others. You can get back up, you can keep going.

      But it is also important, as I have found, not to take yourself too seriously, because after all, every one of us here today, none of us is deserving of full credit. I think every day of the blessings my birth gave me without any doing of my own. I chose neither my family nor my country, but they as much as anything I’ve ever done, determined my course.

      You compare my or your circumstances with those of the majority of people who’ve ever lived or who are living right now, they too often are born knowing too well what their futures will be. They lack the freedom to choose their life’s path. They’re imprisoned by circumstances of poverty and ignorance, bigotry, disease, hunger, oppression and war.

      So, dare to compete, yes, but maybe even more difficult, dare to care. Dare to care about people who need our help to succeed and fulfill their own lives. There are so many out there and sometimes all it takes is the simplest of gestures or helping hands and many of you understand that already. I know that the numbers of graduates in the last 20 years have worked in community organizations, have tutored, have committed themselves to religious activities.

      You have been there trying to serve because you have believed both that it was the right thing to do and because it gave something back to you. You have dared to care.

      Well, dare to care to fight for equal justice for all, for equal pay for women, against hate crimes and bigotry. Dare to care about public schools without qualified teachers or adequate resources. Dare to care about protecting our environment. Dare to care about the 10 million children in our country who lack health insurance. Dare to care about the one and a half million children who have a parent in jail. The seven million people who suffer from HIV/AIDS. And thank you for caring enough to demand that our nation do more to help those that are suffering throughout this world with HIV/AIDS, to prevent this pandemic from spreading even further.

      And I’ll also add, dare enough to care about our political process. You know, as I go and speak with students I’m impressed so much, not only in formal settings, on campuses, but with my daughter and her friends, about how much you care, about how willing you are to volunteer and serve. You may have missed the last wave of the revolution, but you’ve understood that the dot.community revolution is there for you every single day. And you’ve been willing to be part of remarking lives in our community.

      And yet, there is a real resistance, a turning away from the political process. I hope that some of you will be public servants and will even run for office yourself, not to win a position to make and impression on your friends at your 20th reunion, but because you understand how important it is for each of us as citizens to make a commitment to our democracy.

      Your generation, the first one born after the social upheavals of the 60’s and 70’s, in the midst of the technological advances of the 80’s and 90’s, are inheriting an economy, a society and a government that has yet to understand fully, or even come to grips with, our rapidly changing world.

      And so bring your values and experiences and insights into politics. Dare to help make, not just a difference in politics, but create a different politics. Some have called you the generation of choice. You’ve been raised with multiple choice tests, multiple channels, multiple websites and multiple lifestyles. You’ve grown up choosing among alternatives that were either not imagined, created or available to people in prior generations.

      You’ve been invested with far more personal power to customize your life, to make more free choices about how to live than was ever thought possible. And I think as I look at all the surveys and research that is done, your choices reflect not only freedom, but personal responsibility.

      The social indicators, not the headlines, the social indicators tell a positive story: drug use and cheating and arrests being down, been pregnancy and suicides, drunk driving deaths being down. Community service and religious involvement being up. But if you look at the area of voting among 18 to 29 year olds, the numbers tell a far more troubling tale. Many of you I know believe that service and community volunteerism is a better way of solving the issues facing our country than political engagement, because you believe-choose one of the following multiples or choose them all-government either can’t understand or won’t make the right choices because of political pressures, inefficiency, incompetence or big money influence.

      Well, I admit there is enough truth in that critique to justify feeling disconnected and alienated. But at bottom, that’s a personal cop-out and a national peril. Political conditions maximize the conditions for individual opportunity and responsibility as well as community. Americorps and the Peace Corps exist because of political decisions. Our air, water, land and food will be clean and safe because of political choices. Our ability to cure disease or log onto the Internet have been advanced because of politically determined investments. Ethnic cleansing in Kosovo ended because of political leadership. Your parents and grandparents traveled here by means of government built and subsidized transportation systems. Many used GI Bills or government loans, as I did, to attend college.

      Now, I could, as you might guess, go on and on, but the point is to remind us all that government is us and each generation has to stake its claim. And, as stakeholders, you will have to decide whether or not to make the choice to participate. It is hard and it is, bringing change in a democracy, particularly now. There’s so much about our modern times that conspire to lower our sights, to weaken our vision-as individuals and communities and even nations.

      It is not the vast conspiracy you may have heard about; rather it’s a silent conspiracy of cynicism and indifference and alienation that we see every day, in our popular culture and in our prodigious consumerism.

      But as many have said before and as Vaclav Havel has said to memorably, “It cannot suffice just to invent new machines, new regulations and new institutions. It is necessary to understand differently and more perfectly the true purpose of our existence on this Earth and of our deeds.” And I think we are called on to reject, in this time of blessings that we enjoy, those who will tear us apart and tear us down and instead to liberate our God-given spirit, by being willing to dare to dream of a better world.

      During my campaign, when times were tough and days were long I used to think about the example of Harriet Tubman, a heroic New Yorker, a 19th century Moses, who risked her life to bring hundreds of slaves to freedom. She would say to those who she gathered up in the South where she kept going back year after year from the safety of Auburn, New York, that no matter what happens, they had to keep going. If they heard shouts behind them, they had to keep going. If they heard gunfire or dogs, they had to keep going to freedom. Well, those aren’t the risks we face. It is more the silence and apathy and indifference that dogs our heels.

      Thirty-two years ago, I spoke at my own graduation from Wellesley, where I did call on my fellow classmates to reject the notion of limitations on our ability to effect change and instead to embrace the idea that the goal of education should be human liberation and the freedom to practice with all the skill of our being the art of making possible.

      For after all, our fate is to be free. To choose competition over apathy, caring over indifference, vision over myopia, and love over hate.

      Just as this is a special time in your lives, it is for me as well because my daughter will be graduating in four weeks, graduating also from a wonderful place with a great education and beginning a new life. And as I think about all the parents and grandparents who are out there, I have a sense of what their feeling. Their hearts are leaping with joy, but it’s hard to keep tears in check because the presence of our children at a time and place such as this is really a fulfillment of our own American dreams. Well, I applaud you and all of your love, commitment and hard work, just as I applaud your daughters and sons for theirs.

      And I leave these graduates with the same message I hope to leave with my graduate. Dare to compete. Dare to care. Dare to dream. Dare to love. Practice the art of making possible. And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.

      Thank you and God bless you all.

    名人的英語演講稿10

      This is the text of Earl Spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. There is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. Would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. The versions posted on several news services had minor errors. This is precisely as it was deliverd.

      I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.

      We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so.

      For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.

      Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.

      Today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.

      Only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.

      We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.

      There is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. There is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.

      But your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. And if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.

      Without your God-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of AIDS and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.

      And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.

      The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. The last time I saw Diana was on July the first, her birthday, in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.

      She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting President Mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.

      That meant a lot to her.

      These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.

      Fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.

      There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspapers.

      I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling. My own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.

      It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.

      She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate. And I do this here, Diana, on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.

      Beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.

      We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. But we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.

      William and Harry, we all care desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. How great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.

      I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.

      Above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.

    名人的英語演講稿11

      As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

      We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

      The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

      The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

      The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

    名人的英語演講稿12

      Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.

      Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

      It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much.

      Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.

      Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

      Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

      We must take immediate and resolute action.

      I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.

      In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

      In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished.

      I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.

      Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.

      If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress.

      On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

      This is a serious course upon which we embark.

      I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.

      The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II.

    名人的英語演講稿13

      Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today

      (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer(Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we've got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)

      I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it's your first day in a new school, so it's understandable if you're a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you're in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could've stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.

      I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn't have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.

      Now, as you might imagine, I wasn't too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I'd fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I'd complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she'd say, "This is no picnic for me either, buster." (Laughter.)

      So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I'm here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I'm here because I want to talk with you about your education and what's expected of all of you in this new school year.

      Now, I've given a lot of speeches about education. And I've talked about responsibility a lot. I've talked about teachers' responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn. I've talked about your parents' responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get

      your homework done, and don't spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox. I've talked a lot about your government's responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren't working, where students aren't getting the opportunities that they deserve.

      But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That's what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.

      I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you're good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That's the opportunity an education can provide.

      These people succeeded because they understood that you can't let your failures define you -- you have to let your failures teach you. You have to let them show you what to do differently the next time. So if you get into trouble, that doesn't mean you're a troublemaker, it means you need to try harder to act right. If you get a bad grade, that doesn't mean you're stupid, it just means you need to spend more time studying.

    名人的英語演講稿14

      On every one of hisprojects, you’ll see him talking to the super, the painter, the engineers, the electricians, he’ll ask them for their feedback, if they think something should be done differently, or could be done better. When Donald Trump is in charge, all that counts is ability, effort and has long been the philosophy at the Trump Organization. At my father’s company, there are more female than male executives. Women are paid equally for the work that we do and when a woman becomes a mother, she is supported, not shut n represent 46 percent of the total U.S. labor force, and 40 percent of American households have female primary breadwinners. In 20xx, women made 83 cents for every dollar madeby a man. Single women without children earn 94 cents for each dollar earned by a man, whereas married mothers made only 77 cents. As researchers have noted, gender is no longer the factor creating the greatest wage discrepancy in this country, motherhood is.

    名人的英語演講稿15

      All the students:

      各位同學(xué):

      Hello everyone. The Black Mamba is a deadly poisonous snakes, why do I take this name? Because I once entered the stadium, I'm deadly, like the black mamba. So there I can make fun of, but once I entered the stadium, I would like to change a person, be absorbed in the court.

      大家好!黑曼巴是一種擁有致命劇毒的蛇,為什么我取這個名字呢?是因為我一旦進(jìn)入賽場,我就是致命的,就像黑曼巴一樣。所以在場下我可以開玩笑,但是我一旦進(jìn)入賽場,我馬上會像換了一個人一樣,在球場上全神貫注。

      I am 35 years old, is reached after the half occupation career, like some injury is It is quite common for the. Once injured, you feel the world stopped, whether injured knee, shoulder injury etc.. I know a lot of people so that the entire occupation career is ruined, and some people even unable to get up after a fall, can't even return. When that moment, I will look at yourself in the mirror and say, "Kobe, what would you do? If you experience this pain will you? "You know that every time I see someone injured, I met a lot of people do not come back after the injury, I looked at myself in the mirror to oneself said," Is it right? Should stop playing? "I don't know myself can also return. I'm here to tell you, I want to completely recovered and returned to the stadium. But I wouldn't bet on it, because a lot of the time I also have doubt, but I think, which is to meet the challenges of the significance.

      我現(xiàn)在35歲了,算是走到了職業(yè)生涯的后半程,像這樣一些受傷也是司空見慣了。一旦受傷,你就覺得世界停止了,不管是膝蓋受傷,肩膀受傷等等。我知道很多人因此而把整個職業(yè)生涯都葬送了,有的人甚至一蹶不振,甚至無法返回賽場。當(dāng)那個時刻發(fā)生的時候,我會看著鏡子中的自己說,“科比你會怎么樣?如果你經(jīng)歷這樣的傷痛你會怎么樣?“你知道我每次看到別人受傷,我見到很多人受傷后回不來,我看著鏡子中的自己喃喃自語說,”是不是應(yīng)該停止打球了?“我自己都不知道還能否返回賽場。我現(xiàn)在坐在這里告訴你,我要完全康復(fù)回到球場。但我不敢打包票,因為很多時候我也有疑問,但是我覺得,這才是迎接挑戰(zhàn)的意義所在。

      To seize every opportunity, you prove yourself to all people, that you can meet the challenge. To those who say you can never succeed, you will fail to prove, this is my opinion. If someone says to you of the injury, to be unable to get up after a fall, for me, if somebody this injury may quit, but Kobe can't. People say that you can not, I would say, you so that you may exit. So I must prove to them, especially to those who support me, love of my fans, I must win, to win the pain, will be able to return. In order to let all of the doubters think again, what will become impossible possible. The importance of these scars represented here, these scars is my growth transition .

      要抓住一切機(jī)會,向所有人證明你自己,證明你能夠迎接挑戰(zhàn)。向那些說你永遠(yuǎn)不可能成功,你一定會失敗的人證明,這就是我的看法。如果有人說你這次受傷,要一蹶不振了,對我來說,如果別人受了這種傷可能就退出了,但是科比不能這樣。別人說這下你不行了,我會說,你這樣你才可能會退出。所以我必須要證明給他們看,尤其是給那些支持我,熱愛我的粉絲們,我一定要贏了自己,要贏了傷痛,能夠重返賽場。這樣才能讓那些懷疑我的人重新思考,什么叫將不可能的變成可能。這些傷疤的重要性體現(xiàn)在這里,這些傷疤就是我成長轉(zhuǎn)變的體現(xiàn)。

      As a player, I was born with a passion is to succeed, want to win. At the same time is also the most difficult thing in life is the most important thing. As a player, go up to meet the greatest challenge to the stadium, I think the biggest challenge is to get the people to become as one, constantly, constantly victory, this is the biggest challenge of team sports, this is also my passion. For me personally, the most important thing is to continue to meet the challenge, but never fear challenges is very important.

      作為一個球員,我與生俱來的激情就是想要成功,想要贏。同時也是人生最難卻最重要的事情。作為一個球員,要到球場上去迎接最大的挑戰(zhàn),我覺得最大的挑戰(zhàn)就是要把全隊的人變成像一個人那樣,要不斷地,不斷地取得勝利,這就是團(tuán)隊競技比賽的最大挑戰(zhàn),這也正是我的激情所在。對我個人來說,最重要的事是不斷地迎接挑戰(zhàn),而且永不畏懼挑戰(zhàn)極為重要。

      But more important is to keep curiosity about things, such as how to play better, how to improve skills, how to learn from them what. Actually I have been looking for me from the aspects of motivation factors, not only from the Michael Jordan body, from the magician Elvin Johnson, also from Michael Jackson, Beethoven, Da Vinci, Bruce Lee, these great people gave me encouragement, let me go, so this is the black mamba the spirit of. Does not mean that you should continue to attack others, but you must never stop the pace of progress. Life is Knowledge has no limit., so learning becomes extremely important. Do you want to continue learning, learning, learning, and others, understanding, learning, and not think you understand what.

      但更重要的是要對事物保持不斷的.好奇心,比如說怎么樣打得更好,怎么樣提高技巧,怎么樣從別人身上學(xué)到什么。其實(shí)我從小到現(xiàn)在一直從各個方面尋找激勵我的因素,不僅僅從邁克爾·喬丹身上,從魔術(shù)師埃爾文·約翰遜身上,還從邁克爾·杰克遜,貝多芬,達(dá)芬奇,李小龍身上,這些偉大的人給了我激勵,讓我前進(jìn),所以這就是黑曼巴的精神。并不是說你要不斷進(jìn)攻別人,而是要永不停歇你前進(jìn)的腳步。人生是學(xué)無止境的,于是不斷學(xué)習(xí)就顯得極為重要。你要不斷地學(xué)習(xí),學(xué)習(xí),再學(xué)習(xí),和別人交談,了解,學(xué)習(xí),而不是覺得你自己什么都懂。

      Only in this way, you can become a better person, your skills in order to further improve the. Finally, there will be a byproduct, become a champion, a better myself. For me this is the black mamba's spirit, at the root of my spirit. So if I can pass on the spirit to all of you, no matter what you want to do, to become a basketball player, a writer or host, no matter what you dream, you must adhere to dream, to learn from successful previous experience and knowledge, successful people from all walks of life, their body there are some features that make them successful, talent showing itself, this is just what I want to transfer to the positive energy you.

      只有這樣,你才能成為一個更好的人,你的技巧才能進(jìn)一步提高。最后才會有一個副產(chǎn)品,成為冠軍,成為更好的自己。對我來說這就是黑曼巴的精神,我的精神的源頭所在。所以如果我能夠把這種精神傳遞給在座的各位,不管你想要做什么,成為一個籃球運(yùn)動員,一個作家或者是主持人,不管你的夢想是什么,你們一定要堅持夢想,從成功的前人身上汲取經(jīng)驗和知識,各行各業(yè)的成功人士,他們身上都有一些共性使得他們脫穎而出,取得成功,這就是我今天想要傳遞給各位的正能量。

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